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- INTERVIEW, Page 40Never! Never! Never!
-
-
- ARIEL SHARON, Israel's best-known hard-liner, criticizes his
- government's handling of the Palestinian uprising. He faults
- Washington for talking to the P.L.O. and candidly
-
- By Murray J. Gart
-
-
- Q. We read, see and hear a lot about the Palestinian
- uprising here. If you were Defense Minister . . .
-
- A. I'm not.
-
- Q. . . . or Prime Minister, how would you handle the
- Palestinian uprising?
-
- A. I have experience in that. I faced a similar situation in
- Gaza as military commander there in 1971. It took me two months
- to decide what to do, to learn every street, every house, every
- citrus grove like I know the palm of my hand. I moved to Gaza
- and worked night and day for seven months to make it completely
- quiet. It stayed that way for 15 years. How did I do it? By
- making a very clear distinction between the terrorists acting
- against us or supporters of terror and the other people who did
- not participate, even if they hated us. The terrorists were
- eliminated! All their supporters were put in prison.
-
- Q. Or killed.
-
- A. I said eliminated. That's the word I use for all the
- leaders active in the units of terror.
-
- Q. And you punished others by blowing up houses, bulldozing,
- whatever. How would you apply that experience now?
-
- A. Look, one of Israel's major mistakes is in not making the
- same clear-cut distinction during the past 16 months. I don't
- have to emphasize the damage to the image of Israel, the massive
- involvement even of the Israeli Arabs. We know that the leaders
- who are creating this environment of terror are living and
- acting in Jerusalem. It's fewer than 50 people. If I add all the
- others around them, maybe 150 people. If cars and buses were
- attacked daily by petrol bombs or stones for 16 months in
- Washington, could you imagine it would be tolerated? It would
- not, because in the name of democracy, to preserve democracy,
- steps would be taken. The terrorist leaders here are not
- Israeli citizens. What would happen in the U.S. to terrorists
- who are not citizens? In less than 24 hours, they would be
- rounded up, taken to the airport and expelled. I would round up
- the terrorists here and expel them. Immediately!
-
- Q. Look, Mr. Minister, dozens of Arabs have been expelled,
- thousands have been put in detention camps, a lot of people have
- been killed, Arabs, some Jews. All the measures you suggest have
- been taken.
-
- A. No, you are wrong! I am suggesting an approach that has
- not been tried. I am not talking about harsher means. I am
- saying different means. Of course, there are other things as
- well. There is a feeling among the Arabs -- encouraging
- terrorist activity is part of the broad new Arab strategy --
- that sooner or later Israel will be forced to withdraw from
- Samaria, Judea and Gaza. Even some of our own people are saying
- that is the only political solution.
-
- Q. But you are not advocating withdrawal, the Prime Minister
- is not saying withdrawal . . .
-
- A. I'll tell you who. Foreign ambassadors, all kinds of
- consuls general, visitors, press people and so on. Even some of
- our own political leaders are saying it. I know our Arab
- people. If you ask me whether they can see real determination
- on the Jewish side, that all of us are united in our
- determination to stand fast, the answer is no. They see
- confusion. That gives them the wrong impression that sooner or
- later Israel will withdraw. It also encourages them to think
- that if they put on more pressure, it will happen sooner.
-
- Q. And your answer is never withdraw from the West Bank --
- Samaria, Judea -- and Gaza?
-
- A. You mean that we should hand our security over to
- somebody other than Jews? Never! I emphasize, never! I say it
- again, never!
-
- Q. Do you think of Arabs as your friends, neighbors, your
- enemies?
-
- A. From my childhood, I have believed Jews and Arabs can
- live together, and I believe now they should live together. I
- was taught by my parents from a very early age one very
- important thing. If that would be understood, all of us could
- live in peace. It is that all the rights to this country, to
- the land of Israel -- especially Judea and Samaria -- are
- Jewish. I am talking about rights over the land. But everyone
- who lives in the country should have all the rights of the
- country.
-
- Q. So you say this must remain a Jewish country . . .
-
- A. It is a Jewish country!
-
- Q. . . . and there can be no Palestine?
-
- A. There is a Palestine.
-
- Q. But not in the areas Israel occupies?
-
- A. Jordan is Palestine. The capital of Palestine is Amman.
- If Palestinian Arabs want to find their political expression,
- they will have to do it in Amman. The land west of the Jordan
- River, between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean, is
- Israel. Judea, Samaria -- the so-called West Bank -- and Gaza
- are Israeli. We will never give them up. There will be no
- second Palestinian state west of the Jordan River!
-
- Q. What would you do if you were a Palestinian Arab living
- in one of the areas occupied by Israel? Could you live under
- military occupation?
-
- A. We offer the Arabs the autonomy in the Camp David
- accords. Under autonomy, they would have freedom to conduct
- their lives without any interference whatever, except in
- matters of security. By security, I don't mean police, things
- like robbery, stealing and so forth. But when it comes to
- matters of defense or terror, that will always be a Jewish
- responsibility.
-
- Q. When you say Palestine is Jordan, are you suggesting that
- the Palestinians get rid of King Hussein, take over in Jordan
- and make it Palestine?
-
- A. I am not suggesting anything. They can do as they please.
- But Jordan is the only Palestine there will ever be. The people
- of Jordan are Palestinian. They were Palestinian before the
- British put King Hussein's family there; they are Palestinians
- now, the same families we have in our Arab cities and
- countryside -- Jenin, Ramallah, Nablus, Hebron, Bethlehem. They
- will be Palestinian in the future. It is like Greece. They got
- a nice Danish, German, British King. But it was Greece before
- that, Greece when they had the beautiful King, and it is Greece
- now. Jordan is 77% of Palestine, as it was under the British
- until they split it into Transjordan and the area that is our
- country now.
-
- Q. And what if they want Yasser Arafat as their President?
- In Amman.
-
- A. If they want Arafat to be their President, I wouldn't
- want it. I would hate to see that murderer ruling in Amman. But
- he would be their problem. We made a great mistake in 1970 when
- we sent our forces to save Hussein. I recommended against it. As
- I see it, a vast majority in this country is together when it
- comes to the issue of whether there should be a second
- Palestinian state. The answer is no, because everyone knows
- Jordan is already a Palestinian state.
-
- Q. Then what does land for peace mean? What do United
- Nations Resolutions 242 and 338 mean? What about Israelis who
- favor negotiations for a settlement and a peace process?
-
- A. We live in a democracy, and people are free to express
- their ideas. Land for peace means a second Palestinian state.
- You know...
-
- Q. So 242 and 338 are dead and can't apply?
-
- A. No. No. They cannot. Autonomy, yes. Under autonomy they
- can be Jordanians or citizens of Palestine with their national
- rights expressed in Amman.
-
- Q. Every soldier knows that if you want to make peace, you
- make peace with your enemies. You once said you would be
- willing to sit down with Arafat to see if you could come up with
- a deal that would bring peace to this area.
-
- A. Yes, I said it about twelve years ago in one interview. I
- was thinking then that Jordan should become the Palestinian
- state. It was a mistake because when I said it, I did not
- realize that Israel or its leadership would ever be as weak as
- it is now. Not militarily; we are very strong. Not from the
- economic side, because we have tremendous capability. But from
- the standpoint of Israel's national will, its will to exist,
- Israel has become weaker. I hope it is temporary.
-
- Q. Which Palestinians would you talk to?
-
- A. I will not name them. But I say the P.L.O. terrorist
- organization should be dismantled. It should be done by the Arab
- countries because it is now based in several Arab countries.
- That would enable a peace process to begin. No Arab leader in
- any country can be expected to negotiate peace as long as his
- life is threatened by the P.L.O. terrorist organizations, and
- it is the same with Palestinians. Dismantling the terrorist
- organizations is an immediate issue, but solving the
- Palestinian refugee problem is crucial too in any peace process.
- Gaza could become a model, an example for the world of urban
- economic development. It would solve the problem of about
- 200,000 refugees living there. Israel, the U.S., Europe, even
- the Arab countries could help. We cannot do it alone.
-
- Q. You would never negotiate with Arafat?
-
- A. Arafat should not have been around for a long time now.
-
- Q. So you didn't believe him when he said what he did in
- Geneva last December and met the conditions for a dialogue with
- the U.S., recognizing Israel's right to exist?
-
- A. I am a Jew. We have been living here for nearly 4,000
- years. Do you think I need recognition? I do not need
- recognition, and certainly not from mouths of terrorists who
- have more Jewish blood on their hands than anyone since the
- Nazis.
-
- Q. What else would you be telling President George Bush if
- you should meet with him?
-
- A. That we must restore order, and it is our own
- responsibility to do so. We don't need or want any help. There
- can be no elections until that job is finished. The U.S. should
- also stop talking to the P.L.O. terrorists. Put pressure on the
- Arab countries to dismantle the terrorist organizations and to
- solve the refugee problem. Those are obstacles that must be
- removed before there can be any real peace process.
-
- Q. Many people think one day you will be Prime Minister of
- Israel. You would like that, wouldn't you?
-
- A. I have the desire. I know I could do the job. I know I
- would do it as it should be done. At the same time, I have much
- less ambition than people think. That is my secret weapon. I
- could be out of the government tomorrow without a minute of
- crisis. My strength does not come from political life. It comes
- from my family, the land, my farm. I have a lot of things I
- want very much to do and would never be bored doing them.
-
- Q. Arafat told me last year you would never be Prime
- Minister of Israel. I asked him why, and he said, "Not because
- Sharon has so much Palestinian blood on his hands, but because
- he has so much Jewish blood. He lost more Israelis in Lebanon
- than Israel lost in all its wars."
-
- A. Look, we do not live by words from the mouths of
- murderers. I don't have any Jewish blood on my hands. I have
- spent all my life taking care of Jewish life. It is the main
- thing I have been doing, to secure the life of the Jewish
- people . . . by fighting in every one of Israel's wars. That's
- what I did in Lebanon too. The war there was not the private war
- of the then Minister of Defense of Israel.
-
- Q. Arik Sharon.
-
- A. It was a war of salvation against the independent P.L.O.
- kingdom of terror that caused thousands of casualties, dead and
- wounded. We never made civilian populations our target. There
- were tragic events, and people were killed. We regretted that
- very much. But we never targeted civilian populations. The
- target of the P.L.O. terrorist organization in all those years
- before we put a stop to it was our civilian population, because
- its goal is to eliminate the Jews and the state of Israel.
-
- Q. What do you say to Israel's getting a reputation for
- becoming rejectionist? Israel says no international conference,
- no discussion with the P.L.O. or Arafat, no withdrawal with or
- without 242 and 338.
-
- A. No. No. No. I think Israel is striving for peace. It is
- part of a new, very sophisticated Arab strategy to make it
- appear that Israel is rejectionist. There are several steps in
- the strategy, weakening our ties with the U.S., getting the
- U.S. to put pressure on us, reduce aid, make us smaller
- economically and militarily, smaller in all ways, then finally
- eliminated. Believe me, it will not happen. Our response should
- be to say clearly how we see things now, what can be and what
- cannot be. That way there can be no doubt about what we support
- to bring peace. That is our purpose, and we should tell how we
- should get it. I have told you, but above all, the world should
- know the Jews are here to stay.
-
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